In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:278 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY What a revolution the past century has made in both the general idea of morality andin the practical attitudes of "moral sense"l The political and moral earthquakes that have cracked the solid ground of Wayland's "moral law" and "didactic" complacency have blown us all into a space whose air may be purer but whose endless visibility into the dark void is less assuring. HERBERT W. (...) SCHNEIDER Claremont, California Le Pluralisme Dramatique de Georges Sorel. By Georges Goriely. (Paris: Marcel Rivi~re et Cie, 1962. 244 pp. Price not given.) Professor Georges Goriely of the Free University of Brussels has made one more valiant attempt to rescue Sorel the thinker from the reputation fastened upon him by the title of his Rdflexions sur la Violence in 1906. For most readers he has been the author of that one book, which is seldom read in the light of his other works. It is significant that Goriely reaches it only upon his page 199, barely twenty pages before his study terminates. Also worthy of note is the fact that of the over one hundred critical books and articles about Sorel which are listed in his bibliography, only two are in English: Richard Humphrey's Georges Sorel: Prophet Without Honor (1954) and James M. Meisel's The Genesis of Georges Sorel (1951). In European discussions Sorel frequently shares the company of such names as Croce, Bergson, and Nietzsche. But in the Anglo-Saxon world he has had in general a bad press, or none at all. A far-from-systematic philosopher, his writings, most of them originally articles composed in the heat of European controversies, have seemed remote from transatIantic concerns. He has been reputed "the father of syndicalism" in a country where the adjective most often applied to syndicalism is "criminal." When Mussolini proclaimed at one time that the R~flexions was his favorite bedside book, Sorel seemed to add the paternity of Fascism to his list. All that was needed to complete his damnation by labels was the dread word "anti-intellectual," and that has been freely applied to him. Nevertheless, Professor Goriely finds it possible to take Sorel's ideas seriously, quite apart from the political misuses which have been made of them. He sees that Sorel was primarily a pragmatic moralist immersed in his times and intent upon finding some way to bring about a European ricorso, a rejuvenation of classic republican ethics. At the turn of the century he saw only mediocrity and decadence: democracy had become demagogy, and industrial capitalism a mess of corruption. Sorel's great search was for a moral lever, for something dynamic, some source of energy in men which could be tapped in order to restore virtue and dignity and morale in the common man. Being imbued with historical relativism, and played upon by vigorous and contradictory influences (Vico, Marx, Bergson, Nietzsche, P~guy), Sorel steadily revised his views. It is that fact which gives his contradiction-filled philosophy the character of a "dramatic pluralism." Of one thing, however, Sorel was always convinced: intellect alone could not re-invigorate European ethics. The feelings must be stirred by something which, as early as 1894, he called a "myth." He had no use for rationally planned utopias operated by savants in the manner of Saint-Simon or Comte (whom he constantly attacked). He groped for a moving, even an "infinite" goal to be generated from history by the creative activity of men, such as the famous "general strike." A Norman like Alexis de Tocqueville, his roots were in a mixed liberal-republican aristocracy on the classic model, calling for large numbers of "social heroes" adapted to the industrial age. This r corps has nothing in common with the BOOK REVIEWS 279 shirted gangsters of the totalitarian regimes. Only gradually did Sorel come to seek his paragons of virtue among the proletariat, partly because of his disillusionment with Jean Jaur~s over the Dreyfus case. Sorel had been one of the first to champion Dreyfus, but felt that demagogues had transformed the latter's cause into a new dogmatism and a new establishment. Sorel was genuinely concerned about some of the... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:BOOK REVIEWS 117 Undoubtedly Heidegger's detractors will find in this essay the hallmarks of what they abhor: forced interpretations, dubious etymologies, and overblown claims. Heidegger's followers, on the other hand, will maintain that this essay further enhances his already sure reputation as the most profound and original metaphysician of our time. Those less committed one way or the other will at least find Heidegger's latest dialogue with his philosophical (...) forebears provocative and stimulating. PETER Fuss University o/California,Riverside Jeremy Bentham: An Odyssey of Ideas. By Mary P. Mack. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963. Pp. xiii + 482. $7.50.) Since this is only the first of two projected volumes about Bentham, only an interim report will be possible. The study extends from its subject's birth in 1748 to the death of his father in 1792, when the 44-year-old thinker, on the way to becoming a radical democrat at the height of the French Revolution, found himself endowed with half of the fortune which had supported his father's crusty Toryism. Consequently, it is a story of rebellion and partial escape from the ancestral world of law in the direction of the promises of the new science, culminating in a career devoted to an almost incredible variety of reforms. That Bentham deserves this "first full-scale study of his thought and times in over sixty years" can hardly be doubted in view of the many part-views and caricatures which he brought upon himself by his many elderly eccentricities. This biographer sees him frankly as "one of the most subtle and powerful analytic minds in the history of Western civilization... a great man who has often been misunderstood and therefore undervalued" (pp. xi, 5). She proposes to remedy the situation by the adoption of a fresh perspective that will enable the reader to "see him whole." That admirable resolution faces formidable obstacles, as every student of Bentham knows. It is about like attempting to map a vast, swampy wilderness from an airplane. For Bentham's "odyssey of ideas" was a true wandering among a profusion of them, beginning and abandoning one project after another in a troubled period of change. The dilemma faced by the author is a cruel one: to give an authentic account of Bentham historically she must reproduce the chaotic carelessness of much of his philosophizing ; while to seek to rear a consistent philosophical system from the sketches to be found in the great masses of his wordage, often mingled and mangled by the glosses of disciples, is to lose touch with the man. In Bentham we are dealing with a writer who was always communicating and frequently talking about communication without ever having mastered the art of cumulative philosophical argument. He was more intent upon being fertile than upon being consistent. His mind kept on growing for decades, which meant that he was constantly outgrowing his earlier interests and insights. His eager and all-devouring curiosity became a veritable seed-bed of suggestions from which sprouted an unmatched array of proposals of specific reforms. Yet the story of his many projects resembles that of another seminal contemporary, Henri de Saint-Simon. The perpetual mobility of intellect which marked them both is summed up in Mary Mack's reiterated comment: "Once again Bentham ran from a good thing to a better, and left only fragments behind him" (p. 417). The philosophical underpinning of his doctrines was never quite complete. As Benjamin Franklin once said of himself in the 118 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY role of scientist, Bentham was a good "starter of game" for the guns of others to bring down. As portrayed with accuracy in this study, Bentham became in time an intensely pragmatic thinker, passionately desirous not only of showing the directions which reforms ought to take but also of bringing them to pass. He searched incessantly for the right audience, that is, the one with the power to improve the world according to his enlightened ideas. He began by appealing to the elite, and then turned in disgust to the people. His score as a practical reformer amounted to one long series of rebuffs, transformed after his death into... (shrink)